《我有一个梦想》教学设计 马丁 路德 金
课型：自读课 教学设想 1本课应以诵读为重点，感知演说辞的特点。 2教师的主要任务是课前提供一定量的背景资料，以帮助学生更好的理解课文内容，感知作者的人格魅力，对学生进行德育渗透。 课前准备 1印发教师用书上的关于作者和美国黑人境遇的背景资料 2要求学生进一步丰富相关资料，并准备发言稿。 教学重点 1感知本文作为演说辞的特点——运用大量排比和比喻，使文章充满激情，文采斐然，打动人心。 2继续训练学生筛选信息及概括的能力 3准确理解稳中重点句的含义 教学难点 1感知马丁路德金的人格魅力 课时安排：1~2课时 教学过程 分为两大板块： 第一版块 针对文本的阅读训练，继续训练学生筛选信息及概括的能力 一 导入：由学生谈美国黑人曾有过的悲惨境遇及感受导入。 二 速读课文，概括本文中“梦想”的内容 ——政治上：黑人有和白人同样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利；有同等的地位和公民权。 经济上：黑人有和白人同样的就业和发展的机会。 文化上：黑人能够得到尊重和理解，有和白人一样受教育的权利和自由。 三 精读训练：准确理解稳中重点句的含义 训练题见课后练习三 （略）
第二板块 激情朗读，感知魅力。重在体会本文的动人之处。 1请同学展示收集的相关资料，较深入的体会黑人的悲惨遭遇，为下面的诵读做情感准备 2教师播放马丁路德金的演讲实录（“我梦想有一天”），以激发学生的朗读欲望。 3激情朗读 方式： （1）当情文读 ：学生选点朗读，读出激越之情；读出悲、忧、喜、辱、愤和爱；读出正义的力量 （2） 当政治宣言来读：读出黑人的期盼、读出马丁路德金的信心、读出黑人的尊严。 （3）选点背诵、讲演。 3体会本文的特点 （1） 充沛的感情 （2） 大量运用比喻和排比，使文章文采斐然，充满气势。
补充资料一 I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? his is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 补充资料二 美国黑人发起抵制公共汽车运动(1955年)
1955年12月1日，美国亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市的一名叫罗莎·克斯的黑人女缝工上了一辆公共汽车。她已经42岁，这天她感到很疲乏，于是，便找了个座位坐下。这时乘客满了，司机叫她站起来让位给一个白种男人。黑人给白人让座，是南部的老习惯了。再说，不听司机指挥也是犯法的。但帕克斯太太这时想了一想回答说她不让。 12月5日，她被捕了，罪状是行为失检；罪状成立，罚款十元。帕克斯太太的朋友熟人很多，都气愤极了；不出两天，已经有人在黑人区里散发油印传单，号召大家第二天全天对市办交通工具实行抵制。抵制活动非常成功，这使蒙哥马利黑人社会的一些领导人不禁想到了许多更深远的问题。这个地方的黑人一共25000人，占汽车公司全部乘客的75％。他们如果继续罢乘会是什么结果？到头来，汽车公司要么屈服，要么破产。 事情就这样闹开了。他们通知公司，如果不容许黑人按先来先占的原则就坐，那么他们的汽车就不会再有黑人乘坐了。这样过了几星期，双方互不相让，而黑人的意志也更坚决了。亚拉巴州其它地方都注意起蒙哥马利的局势来了，接着在全国，然后全世界都引起注意。隔离派的头目是蒙哥马利的市长W·A·盖尔。此人宣称市政当局决不向抵制运动投降。他说，“长期以来我们总是一味谨慎怕事，现在该是打开天窗说亮话的时候了。黑人似乎有一种想法，认为他们已经把白人挤到墙角，非逼得白人屈服于他们的条件，决不罢休。” 站在盖尔对立面为首的黑人领袖是一个不出名的26岁的牧师马丁·路德·金，。他1954年到蒙哥马利担任德克斯特大街浸札会教堂牧师。南部白人把黑人牧师一向不大放在眼里，但金是哈佛哲学博士，一个有真才实学的人，布道时很少谈约旦河故事，却大谈苏格拉底、亚里士多德、莎士比亚、伽里略、汤因比的文章思想。他熔基督教义、黑格尔主义、甘地主义于一炉，合成一种新的哲学，教人从斗争中汲取力量，于痛苦处寻求和谐。甘地的非暴力不合作思想成了金的“精神力量”。他给他的信徒放映关于印度圣雄的电影，并对这次的抵制运动说了这样一些话：“这不是黑人白人在闹紧张关系。这完全是一场正义和非正义之间的斗争。我们不仅要改善蒙哥马利黑人的地位，我们的目的是要使整个蒙哥马利获得进步。纵然我们每天被逮捕；纵然我们每天受剥削；纵然我们每天吃败仗；也别堕落到对那些人怀恨在心的地步。” 这样僵待了三个月之后，市检察官终于拿出了一份1921年的限制工会的反劳工法。大陪审团竟以此为根据，对金和另外一百十四名黑人领导人提出控告。3月下旬，金首先出庭受审，罪名是“毫无正当理由或合法口实”，阴谋阻挠汽车公司的正当营业。 法官仍判他有罪，罚他1000元，并承担全部诉讼费用，这样判决的目的，无非是吓唬一下蒙哥马利的黑人，但效果却适得其反。黑人立即在法院外面的草坪上举行集会。一个黑人大叫道，“从此以后，我们决不坐公共汽车了。”一个中年的黑人妇女推开人群，跑过去对金说：“我的心，我的钱包都归你了。”会上决定当晚举行一次群众祈祷大会。 他们硬是不坐。汽车公司负债累累，汽车司机纷纷改行，要不就离开这个城市。黑人们当中有些人已经习惯步行上班了，有些买了自行车。为了解决其余一些人的问题，金组织了一个规模很大的汽车互助组，集中了二百辆车子。可是市长竟宣布这种活动是非法的，于是在罢乘进入第十二个月后，金和另一些黑人领袖便以未经许可擅自经营企业的罪名被捉了起来。正在州巡回法院审理这件案子时，忽然传来了惊人消息：最高法院，原已在公共场所和学校中推翻了“坐位隔离，地位平等”的原则，现在决定也在公共交通事业中予以取缔。这样，公共汽车上搞种族歧视就违反联邦法令了。马丁·路德·金自由了，而且成了世界名人。这场史无前例的抵制运动确实给了亚拉巴马州的种族隔离以毁灭性的打击。美国各地的黑人从中看到了新希望。这位年轻黑人牧师从此一跃而进入民权斗争最高领导。 罗莎·帕克斯事件后的第381天，这场抵制运动终于结束，金自己如果不去坐一次公共汽车，那他未免太不近人情了。他去了，司机问他，“您就是那位牧师先生吗？”牧师回答说，“不错。车票多少钱？”车费是一角五——比1955年的涨了五分——他把硬币塞进了收费箱，到前排找了一个座位坐下。事后他对人说，“坐这一趟，可真美啊！”罢乘一年多后黑人大获全胜而结束，马丁·路德·金上了第一辆公共汽车，在同车白人装出来的冷漠中，找了一个头排座位坐下。
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